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Monthly Circular.
No. 7.	November.	1915.
TO THE MEMBERS.

Gentlemen,

Enlistment of Miners.

Certain regulations that were recently issued by the Military authorities, who were responsible for recruiting, gave rise to a good deal of anxiety and doubt on the part of Trades' Unionists as to what was the status of those who had come forward to be attested and then allowed to go back to the mines to follow their usual occupations.

It will be fairly common knowledge that owing to the large number of miners who have enlisted, and are now serving their Country in a military capacity, together with the fact that thousands are still coming forward, with a view to proving that the voluntary system is not a failure, it has been found essential to star the Coal Mining Industry, as being a necessary part of the production of Munitions of War, with the result that those who are now enlisting from the mines are requested to go hack to the same.

Not knowing how far their attestation as soldiers might affect their rights as civilians, it was deemed of the greatest importance that a thorough inquiry should be made as to their standing.

It was even conceived that any man who had so enlisted might be subject to ordinary military usage to such an extent as to actually make all his civilian rights subservient to that of the military demands and in the event of a dispute arising which involved a stoppage at the Colliery where he was working, he could not only be compelled to continue at work, but might be forced, if it were possible, to be a party to even more drastic steps, if circumstances, in the eyes of the military authorities, made it imperative.

Realising the urgent importance of definitely ascertaining how we stood, the Committee of the Miners' Federation of Great Britain, in addition to meeting Lord Derby, found it also necessary to consult Sir John Simon; and further, to call a Conference at Southport, for the purpose of hearing the report and taking whatever measures the situation rendered desirable.

Although the result of such interviews proved that our legitimate fears were largely, if not entirely, groundless, one good purpose was unquestionably served, and that was an unequivocal assurance was obtained that during the course of their employment in the mines their rights as civilians remained unimpaired; and under no circumstances would they be required to do anything but fight the foreign enemy, or in defence of their Country. And it was further elicited that the regulation in question was issued more for the protection of the miners themselves than any other purpose. As, for instance, hundreds of miners, in their anxiety to show they were not afraid to do their share, were enlisting and not divulging the fact that they were working at a starred occupation, with the result that men from other occupations were being employed in their places; and it was with a view to avoiding or, at all events, minimising the necessity for this course of action that the regulation in question was issued.

At a period when so much is being said and written by the opponents of the war, about Prussianising the Country, this additional proof that militarism is only to be used for the purpose of endeavouring to crush that type of militarism, which is an overwhelming incubus on all true progress, will be found exceedingly reassuring to those who have the welfare of future generations at heart.

It is hardly necessary to say that the Conference accepted the written guarantee, backed up, as it was, by the Premier, with every confidence that those who enlisted would not be called upon to do anything which would bring them into conflict with their fellow Trades' Unionists.

Death of Sam Woods.

It was with deep regret that I learned of the death of the above-named.

For many years now a most painful affliction has prevented him from taking that active part in the affairs of Trades Unionism and social reform which was so conspicuous a feature of the greater portion of his life, yet the name of Sam Woods will be remembered and treasured as that of one who, in the struggle for a brighter and better life for the labouring classes, was ever in the front of battle; and I have no hesitation in saying that the infirmity which eventually compelled his withdrawal from active participation in the struggle for industrial progress was mainly brought about by the strenuousness with which he applied himself to the task.

His death severs another link in the gradually diminishing chain of men who were actively, in the face of much opposition and bitter persecution, devoting their time and energy to the uphill work of organising the working classes at a period when, to do so, meant endless self-sacrifice.

It is consoling to those relatives and friends whom lie has left behind to remember that the influence of men's lives remain after they have passed away ; and the life of Sam Woods, whilst health and strength permitted, was one of unremitting and unselfish labour in the direction of improving the lot of mankind in general and the miners in particular; and I feel certain that his record will act as a stimulus to those who are left behind to carry on the work.

The lesson of Merthyr Tydvil.

There is not the slightest doubt in my mind but that the influences of the War had a paramount effect, if they were not directly responsible for the severe defeat sustained by the official nominee of the Labour Party ; and the fact that this occurred in a constituency for so many years faithful in its adherence to Labour politics of a pronounced character is a most ominous one.

One of the most potent lessons it ought to convey is that, in view of possibility of National disaster, the people of this Country are not disposed to tolerate any representation which savours of "running with the hare and hunting with the hounds."

It is perfectly clear they require that a man, and particularly anyone who aspires to legislate for them should have made it clear and unmistakable that he is determined both by word and deed to assist in the successful prosecution of the War.

The magnitude of the task of deciding whether militarism has to become the all supreme factor in Europe is daily becoming more obvious to every one of us; and it is time that we should know beyond any shadow of doubt, who are for and who against us.

Either the attempt to crush, or, at any rate, prove that the despotic power of militarism is not invincible is justified or it is not.

Everyone whose motives are genuine and disinterestedly sincere in the cause of freedom recognises that War is an evil of a most devastating character; but it sometimes happens that one can be faced with the choice of two evils, and, in that event, the wise man chooses the least of the two.

After sixteen months of War, the like of which has never been witnessed or heard of before, it is or ought to be evident to those who are not purposely blind that if England had shirked her moral obligations and kept out of this conflict, the victory of Germany, with her complete state of preparation was an absolutely assured one; and the result would have been that we, as a Nation, would either have had to resort to militarism of a most pronounced type, as a means of self-defence, or ultimately fall victims of German rapacity.

In the event of that contingency happening, how would we stand from a democratic point of view ? I am afraid that the ideals for which we are so earnestly striving, and are not without hope of practically attaining, would become but a dream, without hope of realisation; and yet we find many of our leading reformers (?) are doing their best to bring about a state of affairs that would mean that the expression so frequently used, viz. — "Hewers of wood and drawers of water," would not be a figurative one, but would indeed be a truism.

One of the fundamental principles of German colonisation has been that what was won by the sword could only be retained by the sword; and what other fate could we hope for than that militarism would for ever be our source of control in the event of our being conquered by Germany — a by no means remote event.

Now, if the triumph and consequent maintenance of militarism provides an insurmountable barrier to peaceful and successful pursuit of the emancipation of the worker (and few if any of the opponents of the War will attempt to confute this), is it not time those who are professedly interested in the welfare of the working classes came out of their trenches?

At the commencement of the War there might be legitimate room for doubt as to whether the somewhat tortuous ways of diplomacy were responsible for embroiling us in this world's conflagration ; but in view of the now all too patent designs of Germany, it must be realised that our National existence was almost as much in the melting pot as either Belgium, France or Servia.

We have now arrived at a juncture when we must ask ourselves the plain and unvarnished question "Is this war for the purpose of demonstrating that militarism, as ideally typified by Germany, is not an all conquering force, and can and ought to be effaced; or accept the alternative that without militarism a nation cannot hope to survive, or, in other words, our participation in this war is either right or wrong.

If right, then the lover of all that is good and just, all that is likely to promote the best interests of mankind generally, ought to be rendering all the wholehearted support he can give, or for ever stand condemned as a lip server only in the cause of humanity.

If it is wrong, then, if they fail to declare it, they are guilty of time-serving and are morally degrading their manhood.

Surely this war has lasted long enough for each and every man to know exactly how he stands in relation to it.

To confess that he does not, means that he is either too dense to forum an opinion, or, what is infinitely worse, too much of a poltroon or knave to declare it.

It is impossible to refrain from extending some measure of admiration to men of the type of Ramsay McDonald, who dare to have convictions and are prepared to expound them, despite the fact that, by doing so, they forfeit that worldly gain which so many men, to gain or retain possession of, are prepared to sacrifice all that should be held sacred.

Close observation reveals the fact that the enemy in our midst is a more considerable element than, on the face of it, appears to be the case. By enemy, I mean that insidious and undeclared type who, from time to time, endeavour by appealing to, or attempting to inflame, the more sordid and ignoble feelings of their fellow men, are seeking to create a growth of opposition to the continuance of the War; which can only mean that the rising or coming generation, for whom we ought to have some regard, will have to again face the terrible ordeal through which we are at present passing.

If these men, posing as reformers as they do, are actuated by a disinterested desire to make the lot of those who have to follow brighter and better, freer from war and its horrible issues than their own has been, then, in common honesty, they ought to declare in unmistakable language where they stand.

Can any of these men contemplate the ultimate success of the German with equanimity ? Would this not mean a triumph for that spirit of militarism which they profess to abhor ; with the natural result that the doctrine of the survival of the fittest, in a military sense, would obtain such an impetus, and become so necessary to national preservation as to far transcend all other considerations and the condition of the people, and particularly the poorest of the poor, would be infinitely worse than ever it had been, with the not impossible contingency of being forced back to the state of affairs which prevailed in the days of serfdom.

Can they complacently contemplate going back to this condition of affairs ? If not, then, for Heaven's sake, don't let us have them continuing to shelter under the skirts of some organisation that, by means of certain of its most important members, has declared its opposition to the War; but either be men enough to accept their full share of responsibility for that attitude, or for ever hold their peace in relation to the War and its consequences.

I am afraid that one may appeal and appeal in vain to get this class of men to openly declare themselves ; but, in spite of all that can be said, they will still continue to indulge in their practice of sniping from a concealed position and if the aftermath of War should result in a wave of reaction, they would gleefully climb to the crest and exclaim "Didn't we tell you so ?" If the reaction did not eventuate, then they would quietly steal out of their trenches and mix with the crowd, in the blissful hope that their passive resistance had enabled them to escape observation.

The Season's Greetings.

Before the issue of another circular, we will have entered upon a new year, and under nominal conditions it would have been my pleasing duty to have wished the members a "Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year." When, however, it is remembered that there are few, if any, of us but what have relatives or friends who for the sake of freedom and honour are engaged in the hideous task of warfare, the usual wish seems almost a mockery.

I do, however, sincerely hope that our members will receive their full share of the comfort and good fortune that is obtainable, and that the New Year may speedily bring about a state of affairs that would mean not only a lasting peace, but that our loved ones may be restored to us.

Mr. House reports the decisions of the Compensation Committee, held on November 1st

Fatal Cases.

Fatal Cases

Lodge	Name	Age	Occupation
Eldon	Joseph, Brown	54	Deputy
Shildon Lodge	William, Galloway	33	Stoneman
Allerdene	Edward, Newton	23	Belt Engineman
East Hetton	George, Robson	25	Hewer

Non-fatal Cases.

Non-fatal Cases

Lodge	Name	Age	Occupation
Seaham	Thomas, Chapman	26	Hewer
Chopwell	Thomas, Dickinson	43	Hewer
Seaham	R. W., Dodds
Houghton	J. W., Garbutt	20	Putter
Ouston Winning	George, Hall	39	Hewer
Marsden	Andrew, Ratter	19	Landing Lad
Wheatley Hill	John, Walker	64	Shifter

Durham, November 1915. T. H. Cann.

 

Source:

NEEMARC - Ref: NUMDA/1/6/40, D.M.A. Minutes, Circulars etc. for 1915 (two volumes: covers Jan-Jun, Jul-Dec)